Known 19th Century St. Louis Baseball Clubs, Part 2

When writing about the founding of the Missouri State Association of Base Ball Clubs, Tobias notes that there were “quite a number of clubs organized in the interior cities and towns” of Missouri. He also mentions that sixteen St. Louis clubs attended the “preliminary meeting” founding the State Association. Sadly, he doesn’t name all of those clubs.

Veto-Tobias writes that the Empire Clubs’ anniversary game was played in 1868 “on the grounds of the Veto Club…”

Athletic-first mentioned by Tobias as having a club member on the State Association Judiciary Committee in 1868

Mutual-played a game against the Union Club on September 24, 1868

Union, Jr.
National
Battle

The above clubs were mentioned as having been defeated by the Union Club in 1868. The Union, Jr. was the junior nine of the Union Club. Most of the prominent 19^th century clubs would, besides having multiple nines for the parent club, also have a junior club made up of younger players. The junior players would sometimes “graduate” to the parent club or sometimes split off and form their own independent club.

Active
Lone Star
St. Louis
Eckford

All the above clubs were mentioned by Tobias as intending to compete for the championship in 1869. The Lone Stars were a club “located in the Southern portion of the city.”

Olympic (ii)-In 1869, the Union Jr.’s broke away from their parent organization and formed the Olympic Club taking up the name after the old Olympic Club had broken up.

Rowena
Missouri
Haymaker
Buckeye

All of the above clubs were mentioned as being represented at one or more meetings of the State Association in 1869.

Washington University-first mentioned by Tobias as playing a match against the Unions on June 2, 1870; the club, composed of college students, was certainly active before this and probably as early as 1866.

St. Louis University-mentioned playing the Unions on June 25, 1870; again the club was likely active immediately following the end of the Civil War.

Bill Kelsoe, in A Newspaper Man’s Motion-Picture of the City, mentions that the nickname of the Wash U club was “the Olympics” and that SLU’s nickname was “the Pickwicks.” The rivalry between the two clubs was great and Kelsoe relates that Shepard Barclay, a former chief justice of the Missouri Supreme Court and member of the Union Club, told him that his fondest moment was when he pitched SLU to a victory over Wash U in a game on May 23, 1867.

Olympics of Carondelet-played a game against the Unions on July 30, 1870; this is the fourth team that used the Olympic moniker (including the original Olympics, the Union, Jr./Olympics, and Wash U).

St. Louis Junior-“A new organization, named St. Louis Junior, was composed entirely of Mechanics, formerly connected with the Atlantic, Jr., and they located (in 1871) on the old Veto grounds, near the Pacific machine shops, with Joe Blong, president.” I’ve seen a reference to the possibility that Packy Dillon also played for the St. Louis, Jr.’s and if this is true there’s an argument to be made that this is the club that would evolve into the Red Stockings.

Atlantic, Jr.-see above note.

Pacific-mentioned as holding elections for officers in 1871.

Varieties-“a new club…that had been but recently organized (in 1871) and having for its foundation five seceeders from the Atlantic Club…”

Rival-played a game against the Empire Club on August 4, 1872 and Tobias described them as having been “lately organized.”

Dodd, Brown & Co.
Crow, McCreery & Co.
Sam. C. Davis & Co.

“In the latter part of (the 1872) season base ball received quite an impetus through the inauguration of the early closing movement among mercantile and other business houses on Saturday afternoons, whereby the employees of a number of these firms were brought into organized clubs named after the firms by whom they were employed such as the (ones listed above). In those clubs some fine base ball talent was developed…” On the 1873 season, Tobias wrote that “(the) Mercantile community also took a deeper interest and more wide spread participation in the game and so numerous were the matches played by the representatives of business concerns that it will be impossible in this history to do more than give such games the briefest passing notice.” There is no telling how many clubs liked this existed in St. Louis in the 19^th century and, along with minor clubs that weren’t part of the State Association or didn’t compete for the championship, it makes the task of putting together a comprehensive list of 19^th century St. Louis baseball clubs an impossibility.

Red Stockings-first competed for the championship in 1873; competed for the national professional championship in 1875

Stoddards-“an entirely new club of young representatives of the solid families of the city” who first began play in 1873

Modocs-played a game against the Atlantics on July 13, 1873

Niagara-first mentioned playing a game against the Turners on July 20, 1873

Mackerel
Western
Emmett
Marble City
Forest City
Oxford
J.B. Sickle & Co.
Burns & Deguan
Benton
Erie
Miami

All of the above were mentioned by Tobias as having played games in August of 1873

National-“A new club entered the base ball fraternity (in 1874)…under the name of National and was composed of players from the former Independent, Olympic, Commercial, Eckford, Union and Rowena teams.”

Independent-see above note.

Gymnasium-members of the Gymnasium Club played as a part of picked nine in a game against the Westerns of Keokuk on June 27, 1874

Artisan-members of the Artisan Club were at a special meeting of St. Louis clubs in 1874 that met upon the death of Asa Smith

Lone Stars of Collinsille-played a game against the Niagara Club on July 19, 1874.

Jackson-“organized from ‘Home Bitters’ (in 1874)…”

Home Bitters-see above note

Peerless-“On July 28 (1874), the Union Club defeated the Peerless at Grand Avenue Park…The latter club though young was already known as a club making low scores and playing brilliantly.”

Stocks-“The Stocks, as their name implies, was made up of livestock men, most of them residing in ‘Butcher Town’ north of Easton and west of Vandeventer avenue.” First mention playing a game on July 29, 1874.

White Stockings-“(A) consolidator of players from the Rowena and Jackson Clubs” who first played in 1874.

Brown Stockings-the National Association club made up of Eastern professional players that began play in 1875; moved to the National League in 1876 and disbanded after the 1877 season; remnants of the team would form an independent professional team in 1878, also called the Brown Stockings; two years later Chris Von der Ahe would become involved with the club and, by 1882, would have the team playing in the American Association.

Elephants-mentioned as a “prominent club that still existed in 1875 under the old amateur organization”

Besides the Elephants, Tobias mentions the Empire, Rowena, Atlantic, Olympic, Nationals, Niagara and Haymakers as the prominent amateur clubs still playing in 1875. There were questions as to whether any of the amateur clubs would be able to survive the presence of two professional teams in the city in 1875. “Many amateur clubs disorganized but the Empire and a few others determined to hold fast for the season at least.” While he was talking specifically about the Empire Club, Tobias could have been talking about the entire era of 19^th century amateur baseball when he wrote that “(as) the season (of 1875) advanced it was made apparent that the famous old Empire Club was in its declining days…with the exception of an occasional spurt recalling its former glory, its record was that of a sick old man with the grip of death on his vitals.”

Grand Avenues-a club organized in 1875 by August Solari; played its home games at the Grand Avenue Park; on the board of directors of the club that year was Chris Von der Ahe, later to become famous as the owner of the St. Louis Browns.

Cote Brilliants-first mentioned playing a game against the Haymakers on August 21, 1875.

Known 19th Century St. Louis Baseball Clubs, Part One

“(It) would be an utter impossibility to publish all the games of the local clubs and therefore only such will be included in this record, with some few exceptions, as had a bearing upon the state championship and consequently the games between (St. Louis) clubs…must be restricted to such clubs as belonged to the State Association.” As E. H. Tobias wrote in The Sporting News, it’s an “utter impossibility” to discover and list all the clubs that existed in St. Louis in the 19^th century. Tobias is certainly one of the best available sources for information about these clubs. It’s entirely possible that a thorough search of contemporary St. Louis newspapers would reveal names of more clubs but there is no doubt that Tobias has mentioned the most prominent and important baseball clubs in St. Louis between 1860 and 1875.

A quick note on club names: While I refer to clubs such as the Empire or Union (or sometimes the Empires or Unions), the official name of such a club would be the Empire Base Ball Club of St. Louis or the Union Base Ball Club of St. Louis. The actual name of almost all of the clubs on this list would take this form.

Empire
Union
Cyclone
Commercial
Resolute
Morning Star
Hope
Olympic

The above were, according to Tobias, “Among the very first of regularly formed clubs in St. Louis…” Of the antebellum clubs, Merritt Griswold, in a letter to Al Spink written in 1911, mentions the Cyclones, Morning Stars, Empires, and Commercials as the first clubs in St. Louis. Griswold makes the claim that the Cyclone Club was the first organized baseball club in St. Louis and there is enough evidence backing up Griswold’s claims to take this seriously. Tobias claims that the Union Club was the first club in St. Louis, forming in 1859 (or 1860; the text is difficult to make out). There is no evidence backing up Tobias’ claim that I’m aware of and several factors that make it unlikely. Any claims that Jeremiah Fruin was the first person to bring baseball to St. Louis and that he formed the first club in the city are demonstratively false.

While there is a substantial amount of information about St. Louis baseball in the antebellum period, the history is still obscure. We know that baseball was being played by 1860 and that season was an active one. We also know that most of the clubs that had formed by the summer of 1860 disbanded due to the pressures of the Civil War. The only club that I’m aware of that was active during the war years is the Empires. That the Empires continued their baseball activities during the war years is rather remarkable and generally unique in baseball history. There are very few clubs that had formed in the late 1850’s that not only survived the outbreak of the war but were active during and after it.

Information on baseball activity prior to the fall of 1859 is difficult to come by. There is enough circumstantial evidence and vague references in the source material to believe that something was going on prior to the 1860 season. There were certainly bat and ball games being played in St. Louis prior to 1860-town ball, cricket, etc.-and there were organized clubs that played these games. But the best evidence to date suggests that the Regulation Game of baseball was not introduced in St. Louis until the fall of 1859 and that the first match games were not played until 1860.

The organization of the clubs listed above date to this period. Griswold came to St. Louis from Brooklyn in the fall of 1859 and, along with his co-worker Ed Bredell, formed the Cyclone Club. That winter, Griswold also published the rules of the game in the Missouri Democrat. In his letter to Spink, Griswold states that he found the Morning Star Club (whose members were mostly employees “of the firm of Ubsdell, Pierson & Co.”) playing town ball and convinced them to try the new game of baseball. The Union Club was formed by Asa Smith around the same time, possibly as early as 1859, and was made up of high school students. The Empires were organized at a meeting on April 16, 1860 and, according to Tobias, “was largely composed of men who had been connected with the old volunteer fire department…” It had the largest membership of all of the antebellum clubs, “(outnumbering) most all the other clubs put together…,” and was most likely founded by Joseph Hollenbeck, the first secretary and centerfielder of the club. The Commercial Club was made up of “young business men.”

The first mention of the Olympics by Tobias was in reference to a June 7, 1866 game against the Unions.

The first mention of a game by the Hope Club was a June 20, 1867 match against the Unions.

Excelsior-Mentioned by Tobias “as being one of the ante-bellum organizations…” Evidence suggests that they were another town ball club that switched to playing baseball.

Laclede -The Laclede Club was mentioned by Al Spink, in The National Game, as one of the early opponents of the Empires. It’s unclear if the club was active in the antebellum period. Tobias states that the club was made up of master mechanics and describes them as one of the “early” clubs.

Baltic
Liberty
Atlantic
Magenta
Columbus
O.K.

These clubs (along with the Resolute and Hope clubs) were mentioned by Tobias as taking part in a torchlight parade in 1865 honoring the Empire Club, who were returning from the first road trip by a St. Louis club.

Pickwick-Played a game against the Unions on May 9, 1867.

Magnolia-Played matches against the Olympics and Unions in 1867 and were a club “located in the Southern portion of the city.”

Sherman-A club founded by Louis Schrader in 1867 and named after Gen. Sherman; “existed only for a year or so…”

Star-Another club founded by Schrader and another “short lived” club.

Turner-Schrader’s third attempt at starting a baseball club; William Medart also was involved in the original organization of the club; the club was composed, as the name suggests, largely of lathe or machine operators; “one of the strongest” clubs in the city, according to Tobias.

Aetna-Another club that Schrader belonged to.

A General Thought On 19th Century Baseball Grounds In St. Louis

Because I can't leave well enough alone:

Al Spink, in The National Game, wrote that “(up) to that time (1860) indeed games were played on the prairie in North, South and West St. Louis by the boys of the town, who gave no heed to club organization or anything of that sort.” Spink’s observation is extremely relevant to any discussion of the growth of the game in St. Louis and the number of places where the game was played in the city. The growth of the game and where the game was played is intertwined in such a way that the latter propelled the former.

In But Didn’t We Have Fun?, Peter Morris speaks to the connection between the growth of the game and the availability of land upon which the game could be played. For the game to thrive, there had to be, obviously, land which could be used as a baseball field but also land that was accessible to both players and spectators. At the same time, the field could not be located in a downtown urban environment where flying baseballs and running athletes might do damage to windows, passer-bys, and the like.

St. Louis, unlike almost any Eastern city, had an abundance of open land easily accessible to its citizens. In 1860, as the game began to take off, St. Louis had been settled for less then one hundred years. It was a small town that, for the most part, still hugged the river and didn’t stretch more than a handful of blocks west. As Spink noted, to the north, west, and south of the city was an abundant amount of open land that, upon the founding of the city, was designated as common farm land. While the commons were eventually swallowed up by the growth of St. Louis, in the 1860’s and 1870’s this area was just outside of the city proper, cleared for agricultural purposes, and easily accessible to those living in the city itself.

An example of the nature of the area can be seen in the Camp Jackson affair. At the outbreak of the Civil War in 1861, the pro-Confederate Missouri State Militia was sent by Gov. Jackson to St. Louis. Without delving into the details of the affair, the militia camped just outside of the city of St. Louis in a location that was quickly named Camp Jackson. In pictures of Camp Jackson taken at the time (see photo at top of post), the area appears to be a wide-open prairie bordered by groupings of trees. The significance of this to the history of baseball in St. Louis is that the area where the Militia camped would after the Civil War become the Veto Grounds and eventually the Compton Avenue Park.

The St. Louis commons were perfect for playing baseball. Open and accessible, they gave the baseball fraternity in the city a variety of places to play. On can see that the location of most of the known 19^th century baseball grounds in St. Louis were located in areas that had formally been part of the commons. The Grand Avenue Grounds in the north, the Veto Grounds in the west, the Lone Star Grounds in the south-all were built in areas that had only recently been farmland and was only just beginning, in the post-Civil War era, to be developed.

The availability of open land just outside the city of St. Louis and easily accessible to the people of the city is one of the most important factors in the growth of the game in St. Louis. The numerous places where the game was played in 19^th century St. Louis clearly illustrates this.

19th Century St. Louis Baseball Grounds, Part Two

Que the fanfare, strike up the band-heres's part two of my list of baseball grounds used in St. Louis in the 19th century:

The Grand Avenue Grounds-“The subject matter of providing a permanent habitation and home for the Empire Club had long been under consideration by leading members of the club and early in this season (of 1868) assumed a tangible form by the appointment of a committee to select suitable grounds. They reported favorably upon what became known as the St. Louis Base Ball Park, the property being then a cornfield and owned by John Dunn. At the same time the Union Club, having become dissatisfied with their own grounds further South on Grand Avenue and opposite where now stands the Rock Church, also discovered the availability of the tract selected by the Empire committee. The main recommendation of this ground was its near proximity to the Fair Grounds which was then the objective point of several street car lines built and to be built. August Solari, a member of the Empire Club, secured a five-year lease of this property and entered into an agreement with the Union Club whereby upon the payment of a small rental and giving him the lumber contained in their old grounds for use in the erection of grandstands, fencing, etc., in the new park, Solari was obligated to provide necessary accommodations, keep the grounds in good order, the Union Club to have the exclusive right to use of the park on certain days. The Empire Club rented from Solari two days in each week, one being Sunday. It was in the foregoing manner that old Sportsman’s Park, as it was known eventually, became the main base ball center of the city and for several years thereafter it remained so…The first game on the new grounds was played Saturday, May 3, 1868, between the first and second nines of the Union Club and next came the first regular match of the Empire Club for this season…on May 21 with the Commercial Club, resulting in a score (unintelligible) in favor of the Empires.”

Note: The Grand Avenue Grounds was the scene of most of the major baseball matches in StL between its creation and 1874. As home to both the Empires and Unions, “the base ball park,” as it was commonly referred to, would see uncountable championship matches as well as all of the most important baseball visitors to StL. It would also serve as the home of the Brown Stockings from 1875 to 1877 when they played in the NA and NL (when it would be the scene of the first NL game played in StL). After the collapse of the Brown Stockings following the 1877 season, the park would fall into disrepair until it was rebuilt by Sportsman’s Park and Club Association in 1881.

“The former Grand Avenue Park had long since fallen into disuse. With monies from the Sportsman’s Park Club and Association, the rotten bleachers were replaced with a double-decker grandstand and bleachers. Capacity was 8,000, including comfortable chairs for ladies and a special section dedicated exclusively to the ‘howling’ element of fandom.” J. Thomas Hetrick Chris Von der Ahe and the St. Louis Browns

Note: The park would be home to the Browns until they moved to New Sportsman’s Park in 1892. The AL Browns would build the “modern” Sportsman’s Park on the grounds in 1902 and the grounds would be the scene of professional baseball until 1965.

The Abbey Race Track Grounds-“The Atlantic Club having established itself on new grounds at the Abbey race track played an inaugural game on Sept. 14 (1870) with the Empire Club, defeating the latter 25 to 19. The grounds were not in suitable condition but one prior game having been played upon it.

The Wash Home Grounds-“…on June 1 (1873)…the Niagaras played the Hermans…on the Wash Home grounds…”

The Rivals Grounds-“The Red Sox defeated the Rivals on June 1 (1873) by a score of 47 to 5…on the Rivals grounds…”

The Lone Star Grounds-“…(on July 20, 1873) the Red Stocking and Rival Clubs played on the old Lone Star grounds back of Lafayette Park…” Al Spink, in The National Game, mentions a grounds just south of Lafayette Park where the Rowenas and Vanities played; this is probably the same grounds.

Red Stocking Park-also known as the Compton Avenue Park, built in 1874 by Thomas McNeary on the site of the old Veto grounds; “On May 24 (1874) the Empires and Red Stockings opened on their series of championship games at Red Stocking park.” Was the site of the first game between two “professional” clubs on May 4, 1875 when the Reds took on the Browns in the first National Association contest in StL. Of course, the evidence suggests that there were professional teams in StL prior to this and the first game between two professional teams in StL probably took place in the late 1860’s. Baseball was played at the Compton Avenue Park until it was torn down in the 1890’s.

Stocks Park-“The Stocks, as their name implies, was made up of livestock men, most of them residing in ‘Butcher Town’ north of Easton and west of Vandeventer avenue. Their grounds were located between (unintelligible).” I’m unable to read the Tobias text at this point and establish the location of the Stocks Grounds although one would assume that it was located somewhere around Vandeventer, near the site of what would become New Sportsman’s Park. Al Spink, in The National Game, mentions that the Stocks Grounds was located “just off Easton, near Vandeventer avenue” which, naturally enough (since Spink owned and edited TSN) seems taken directly from the Tobais material. Spink writes: “In 1875 William L. Cassidy, Josh Rothschild and other baseball enthusiasts and livestock dealers built the Stocks Park which was located near the car sheds in the vicinity of Easton and Vandeventer avenues.”

The Elephant and Saw Log Grounds-“The Elephant and ‘Saw Log’ Grounds on the river front, open field east of Broadway and north of North Market street, where the Elephant and ‘Saw Log’ teams played their games in the early seventies.” Al Spink, The National Game

Note: The Elephant club didn’t become prominent until around 1874/5 so Spink might be a bit off with his dates here.

Kensington Garden Grounds-“The game (between the Home Comforts and the Sultan Bitters) was played (in 1889) on the Kensington Garden grounds and the Comforts were the winners by a score of 3 to 2.” Al Spink The National Game

Spink mentions that the grounds were located at “Union and Page avenues.”

The St. Louis Amateur Grounds-mentioned by Spink as being located at “Missouri and Russell avenues” and, along with the Kensington Garden Grounds, as the site of games between teams in the St. Louis Baseball League in 1889

Union Park-“(Henry Lucas) built Lucas Park on his own land, with a capacity for 10,000 fans. Lucas believed in comfort and aesthetics. Features included a huge grandstand, upholstered folding opera chairs, and leisure facilities. Patrons entering were serenaded by a cage full of canaries. With such amenities, the park was dubbed ‘The Palace Park of America.’ Fans weren’t the only pampered guests. The grounds housed a dressing room and reception area. One room was for reading and lectures. Another was designed for hygiene. The washroom had no less than nine bathtubs. For the fifty-six-game (1884) home schedule (of the Maroons), ball cranks could purchase a reserved season ticket for $22. Bleacher season tickets sold for $11.00.” J. Thomas Hetrick Chris Von der Ahe and the St. Louis Browns

New Sportsmans Park-“The New Sportsman’s Park, built in 1893 at the corner of Vandeventer Avenue and Natural Bridge Road, was one of (Chris) Von der Ahe’s many risky real-estate ventures. On April 16, 1898, a disastrous fire virtually destroyed the ballpark. Von der Ahe sank his dwindling cash reserve into rebuilding it…” Jon David Cash Before They Were Cardinals

“The Coney Island of the West,” as it was dubbed, was a forerunner of the modern day sport complex with its racetrack, bicycle track, water ride, etc coupled to the attraction of the baseball game. After the fire, it was quickly rebuilt and no games were cancelled. However, it was rebuilt on a less grand scale and was little more than a simple ballpark. Would be renamed Robison Field after the Robison brothers acquired the Browns early in 1899. The soon-to-be renamed Cardinals would continue to play at the ballpark until (if memory serves) 1920.

Sullivan Writes About Von Der Ahe

Should three volumes of 500 pages each be written on Chris Von der Ahe's base ball life it would not contain all the humorous and exciting incidents in his meteoric career. The particular incident that is to be recited here has never been written, although the writer remembers it well.

The writer, when he managed the famous Browns for Chris, also joined him in a business venture in base ball supply and general sporting goods on the corner of Sixth and Pine streets in St. Louis. This was the headquarters for the Browns and general public. Genial Chris was seen here both morning and night on some important matters that he wished to impart to his manager. On this particular day there was a great crowd at the game with the Cincinnati Reds. It took place on a Saturday and Chris counted 10,000 people. "Honest John" Kelly was the king of umpires at that time and he officiated on this Saturday afternoon.

Chris, that season, was in high feather. It was his second year in base ball but the first successful one, as in the year previous, in 1882, he had a tail-end club in a league of six cities and before that season ended he had seven managers, eight groundskeepers, 20 gatekeepers and 10 secretaries at different times of the year. That year, '83, his club, the Browns, was at the top. He was drawing from 4,000 to 10,000 spectators on week days and from 12,000 to 17,000 on Sundays and giving only $65 to the visiting clubs, which was the commercial rule in the association that year.

In the second inning on that particular day, "King Kel" made a decision which told against the Browns but nevertheless was just, in the writers opinion. Chris took exception to it, upon the advice of his "hot air" friends, and made a bee-line for the telegraph operator, who was on the grounds. In his haste and excitement to get to that individual, he bumped up against a tray of beer that was in one of the waiter's hands and sent the glasses flying. When he reached the operator, he sent the following dispatch to James Williams, of Columbus, who was then secretary of the American Association:

"Take Kelly at once from my grounds, he is stopping my Browns from winning, and send me up Charley Daniels from Louisville to St. Louis for tomorrow's game."

Chris then turned to his friends and remarked: "'King Kel' will have a chance to make those decisions tomorrow in Louisville," and trotted off at a pompous gait.

The writer was oblivious to this act of Chris until John Kelly came to him after the game and showed him the wire from Williams, ordering him to leave for Louisville at once. Neither of us understood (the order) but thought that it came from Williams himself. That night at about 10 o'clock Chris (came) into the base ball headquarters and said, "What do you think, Ted? Daniels got left by the regular train and I had to get a special engine and coach to bring him on here from Louisville, and the railroad company charged me $300. But he will be here in time to umpire tomorrow's game."

I looked at him in dumb amazement and said: "What is getting into you? Kelly was all right and here you are making a laughing stock of yourself by paying a railroad company$300 dollars to bring a man here who should have been left in Louisville."

The grand Teuton reflected for awhile when he saw the wisdom of my remarks and said, "We can't stop the train now, for Daniels has certainly started, but you see the advertisement we will get out of it by paying $300 for a special train to bring an umpire to St. Louis."

So it has gone on record that Chris Von der Ahe, of St. Louis, the (then) president of the boss club paid the highest price on record for the services of one umpire for one game...

-Ted Sullivan, writing in The Sporting News, March 8, 1902


This is a perfect example of how Von der Ahe was turned into the buffoonish character that is portrayed in most histories. Sullivan was a great baseball man and I don't think anybody in the game was more respected. But the man was a raconteur who enjoyed telling humorous and entertaining baseball stories. In fact, shortly after Sullivan published this piece in TSN, he published Humorous Stories of the Ball Field (which I've yet to read but would love to get my hands on). Sullivan actually told a couple of different versions of this story one of which involved Von der Ahe denying to Sullivan that he had anything to do with the umpire switch only to have some flunky burst into the room talking about how they could get a train for Daniels but it would cost $300 dollars.

It's a good story and I'm sure Sullivan, in person, told it well but how much truth is there too it? Difficult to say. The story at its core my indeed be true and there may have been an umpire switch instigated by Von der Ahe that forced him to pay the $300 for a special train. But in the end that isn't the real point. It's the way Sullivan tells the story, the details about Von der Ahe he includes, the way he describes him that paints him as a clown and damages his reputation.

Sullivan, without any malice, did more to damage Von der Ahe's reputation as anybody (except for maybe Von der Ahe himself).

19th Century St. Louis Baseball Grounds, Part One

I put together this list of 19th century baseball grounds in St. Louis while working with Steve Pona on a more comprehensive list of St. Louis ballparks. Since it turned out nicely, I thought I'd share it with my loyal readers-all four of you (and I never get tired of that joke). All quotes come from E.H. Tobias' series of letters to The Sporting News unless otherwise noted. Also, it should be also be pointed out that this list is in no way comprehensive and I don't think a comprehensive list can be compiled given the nature of the game and the era. However, I'm reasonably confident that this list contains all of the significant baseball grounds used in St. Louis in the 19th century.

Since the list is a bit long, I'm going to break it up into two parts. Part one ends with a shocking cliffhanger that will make you reevaluate everything you thought you knew about what it means to be a Cylon (oh, wait...that was the season three cliffhanger for Battlestar Galactica). Come back tomorrow for Part Two; same bat-time, same bat-channel.

Gamble Lawn (Gamble Avenue and West Twentieth Street)-“It had long been used as a cricket ground and upon it the Empire Club laid the first claims, being shortly followed by several others. Upon this ground was played most all of the earliest match games.”

Carr Place-“Carr Place was early used by the Morning Star Club and the next ground to become known as a base ball resort was nearly two blocks in extent on the west side of Ham Street, just south of Chouteau Avenue… (here) played the Union and Commercial Clubs in their first start out, but being small in dimension the ground was used almost solely for practice…” Al Spink, in The National Game, writes about early baseball games being played “on the ground now occupied by Carr Square Park.”

Lafayette Park- “…it was but a short time until (the Unions and Commercials) obtained permission from the city council to use a certain portion of Lafayette Park providing they would arrange and maintain the grounds at their own expense. This was done at an outlay of several hundred dollars by each club, but they enjoyed the benefit of the grounds for only a brief period as the war of the Rebellion had broken out, soldiers were being recruited and the military powers seized upon it as a fitting spot for an encampment.”

“In the early days in St. Louis my most intimate young men friends were John Riggin, Louis Hutchinson, John Stetinius and Paul Prewett, all “high rollers,” except myself. We belonged to the St. Louis Cyclone Base Ball Company in 1860. We leased what is now Lafayette Park. At that time, it was surrounded by an osage orange hedge. We spent $600 to put the grounds in shape.” Leonard Matthews A Long Life In Review

Allen’s Commons-“…so the boys went hunting for a new location (after the military seized Lafayette Park) and succeeded in finding one on Mississippi Avenue, south of Lafayette Park, on a large commons owned by Hon. Thos. Allen, who granted permission for the clubs to use the grounds free of all charges. Many ‘interesting and exciting’ games were played upon this ground; the most notable ones being a series between the Union and Empire Clubs.

The Old Cemetery Grounds-“One of the first match games of base ball played West of the Allegheny Mountains between rival clubs was between the Empire and Morning Star clubs of (St. Louis) early in the spring of ’61, and it was played on grounds adjoining the old cemetery, then located where now is the junction of Franklin Avenues, Wash and Twenty-eight Streets.”

The Fair Grounds-“One of the earliest match games played was between the Cyclone and Morning Star Clubs on grounds just back of where now stands the amphitheatre in the Fair Grounds…”

“The First Base Ball Match In St. Louis-The first regular game of base ball played in our city will come off between the members of the ‘Cyclone’ and ‘Morning Star’ Base Ball Clubs, on Monday, the 9^th inst., at 4 o’clock, P.M., in the field immediately west of the Fair Grounds.” Notice played by Merritt Griswold in July 1860 in Daily Missouri Democrat

Note: Important matches were still being held west of the Fair Grounds as late as 1868 so we can say that baseball was played at the Fair Grounds from 1860 until at least 1868.

The Laclede Grounds-“The Laclede was the name of an early club made up from master mechanics who played on a lot one block north of Easton Avenue between Jefferson and Garrison.”

The Ham Street Grounds-“The day before Gen’l (Frederick) Benteen (of the Cyclone Club) left St. Louis to join the army he lost a fine seal ring while playing a practice game early in the morning on the Ham street grounds.”

The Union Grounds-“On the 22^nd of May (1867) the Union Club inaugurated its new grounds on Grand, south of Page avenue (near Franklin ave.), opposite where now stands the Rock Church by an exhibition game. These were the first enclosed grounds in St. Louis to which admission was charged…On the East side of the grounds near the Grand avenue entrance were located covered seats for ladies and their escorts, while on the south side were those designed for men and boys who had no objection to a sun bath.” Note: Very significant. The creation of enclosed grounds and the charging of admission is an important step forward in the evolution of the game in St. Louis and speaks to the forward thinking of Asa Smith, president of the Union Club, and his desire to bring St. Louis into the baseball mainstream. It also is an indication that the Unions, by 1867, was not a amateur club in our sense of the word. Enclosed grounds and admission charges usually meant that players were getting compensated in some form. Almost all sources state that the baseball clubs in StL were amateurs until 1875 but it’s likely that clubs like the Unions and Empires were compensating their players in some form as early as 1867. This also would fit with the idea of Smith as a visionary who wanted to bring the “modern” game to StL.

The Veto Grounds-“The Unions having challenged the Empires for a championship series of three games, the first was scheduled for June 26 (1867), on the Veto grounds, afterwards known as the Compton Avenue Park, and located immediately adjoining the Pacific R.R. Machine Shops.”

“In 1866 the play ground (of the Empire Club) was changed to near the Pacific Railroad machine shop…” Al Spink The National Game

Do You Think There Was Any Gambling Going On At Mussey's Billiard Hall?

Mussay's billiard hall, corner of Fourth and Olive streets, which was recently torn down, (in the spring of 1875) became the gratifying point for base ball news, arrangements having been made with the Western Union Telegraph Co. for a report of each half inning, which, on receipt, was displayed on a black board thereby rendering the place the most popular resort in the city. It was a new departure that took from the start and every one asked "Why it hadn't been done before?" Soon afterward the newspaper offices adopted the same method to the great delight of all classes, ages and sex.

-E.H. Tobias, writing in The Sporting News, February 8, 1896

The Effect Of Professional Baseball On The Amateur Scene In 1875

It was not until May (1875) that the (Empire) club was able to definitely complete its nine and enter upon any engagements, it having been a much mooted question among the amateur clubs as to whether or not it was possible to maintain their organizations with two out and out professional teams in the city. Many amateur clubs disorganized but the Empire and a few others determined to hold fast for the season at least.

-E.H. Tobias, writing in The Sporting News, February 8, 1896


The question of how long the Empire Club was able to "hold fast" is one that's still very much up in the air. It's certainly one that I would like to find the answer for. They certainly were still playing in 1876, according to Al Spink, but I've yet to find any reference to the dissolution of the Empires.

A Disastrous Jaunt

The Empire Club started on a jaunt on September 8 (1874) and on the following day was defeated at Keokuk by the Western Club in a score of 9 to 2 and again worsted in a second game by the figures 6 to 3. In the latter game, Gorman was so seriously injured in the sixth inning by being struck on the ankle by a ball from Golden of the Westerns that he was compelled to quit the game. Notwithstanding the loss of Gorman the club played the Iowa City club on the 10th when defeat once more met them 14 to 9. They wound up their disastrous jaunt by an eight inning game with the Eagles of Louisville on September 12 being beaten by 12 to 9. This trip to Keokuk was convincing as the Red Sox also experienced that base ball visitors to the three K city could not receive fair or just treatment. To play ball there meant to fight the club, the umpire and the mob.

-E.H. Tobias, writing in The Sporting News, February 1, 1896


The Westerns of Keokuk had a great deal of success against the St. Louis clubs in 1874 both at home and on the road. I would imagine that this success inspired them to try there luck in the National Association in 1875.

The Reds Play The Atlantics Of Brooklyn

The old Atlantic Club of Brooklyn, N.Y., the second club organized in the United States being antedated by the New York Knickerbocker only, arrived in St. Louis on a tour through the Wild West and showed how it is done in the city of churches to the special edification of the Red Stockings Club and the six thousand St. Louisans assembled at the Compton Avenue park July 21...There was much disgust over the Reds’ play. Dillon, catcher, lost his head in the third inning because Redmon made a wild throw over first base and refused to catch; then Redmon went behind where he was not at home, making a “dead give away” of the whole game. The Reds fielding was exceedingly faulty. Of the general play of the visitors nothing need be said further than that Dicky Pearce’s antique manner of playing shortstop was not up to the modern standard, three hot balls getting past him. The Reds had no difficulty in batting Bond.

-E.H. Tobias, writing in The Sporting News, January 25, 1896

A couple of interesting things here (besides me being wrong about the Atlantics of Brooklyn coming to town). The thing about Packy Dillon throwing a fit over Billy Redmon's error is fascinating. It certainly gives a layer of depth to our understanding of Dillon and his personality. It also shows something about what was happening to the Reds in 1874. It seems that there were several incidents like this and that the club was not one big happy family. Tobias writes about several contentious events among teammates, the club bringing in new players, the club being hauled before the Judiciary Committee of the State Association, and things of that ilk. The fact is that the Reds, a promising young team in 1873, failed to meet expectations in 1874 and 1875 would be even worse. I've written before about the possibility of there be cliques on the Reds in 1875 and that having something to do with the club falling apart in late June of that year. I think that Tobias confirms the idea that the Reds did not have a harmonious clubhouse.

I also like Tobias' quote about the Reds having no problem with young Tommy Bond. Looking at the box score, the Reds lost by a score of 27 to 2 and didn't score after the second inning. I'm going to guess and say that they had some problems with Bond's pitching. But that's Tobias' style. While he could be harsh in his observations, he also had a habit of praising a club if it put up any kind of a fight against what he perceived to be a vastly superior opponent. In his letters to TSN, he almost always praises the St. Louis clubs when they lost to the strong Eastern clubs as long as they put forth the effort. For Tobias, the fact that the St. Louis clubs got on the field with the elite clubs and competed was a victory in and of itself.

Never Doubt Bill Kelsoe (Or Mea Maxima Culpa)

In this post, I mention the fact that Bill Kelsoe, in A Newspaper Man's Motion-Picture Of The City, referenced a trip by the Atlantics of Brooklyn to St. Louis. I stated that I had no evidence that the Atlantics came to St. Louis and played the Reds in July of 1874 and speculated that Kelsoe was confusing the Atlantics of St. Louis with the Atlantics of Brooklyn.

Well, guess who just found a source that confirms Kelsoe's assertion? E.H. Tobias, in his letter to The Sporting News of January 25, 1896, specifically mentions the Atlantics game against the Reds and even provides the box score. I'll give more details about the game tomorrow (which includes a bit of a meltdown by Packy Dillon) but in the meantime:

Confíteor Deo omnipoténti et vobis, fratres,
quia peccávi nimis
cogitatióne, verbo, ópere, et omissióne:
mea culpa, mea culpa, mea máxima culpa.
Ideo precor beátam Maríam semper Vírginem,
omnes Angelos et Sanctos,
et vos, fratres, oráre pro me
ad Dóminum Deum nostrum.

An Early Pud Galvin Sighting

On June 11, 1874, the Empires played a banged up Turner Club at the Grand Avenue Grounds. The Turners were missing three of their regulars due to injury and another player "was so indisposed that he could not play up to his standard..." While the Empires went on to win the game easily by a score of 12-2, the interesting thing was who the Turners had on the mound. The Turners pitcher that day was a young man named James Frances Galvin, who would become better known as Pud Galvin, go on to win 364 games in the big leagues, and enter the Hall of Fame in 1965.

Prior to this, the earliest record I could find of Galvin playing in a game was a May 30, 1875 contest between the Reds and the Empires where he played left field for the Empires. That same year, Galvin was signed by the Brown Stockings as their token St. Louisian and played in eight big league games. Late in the 1875 season, he would join a reorganized Reds club for whom he would play in 1876.

E.H. Tobias, in a letter to The Sporting News on January 18, 1896, names the seventeen year old Galvin as a member of the Turner Club in 1874. There also appears to be an even earlier game in 1874, between the Turners and the White Stockings of Chicago, where it appears that Galvin may have been playing second base for the club. However, the box score is a bit difficult to make out and Tobias makes no mention of Galvin playing in the game.

Edit: Tobias also presents records of games in 1874 and 1875 where Galvin was playing with the Niagara Club. So between 1874 and 1876, Galvin would play with the Turners, the Niagaras, the Empires, the Browns and the Reds. Tobias also casts some doubt on Galvin's status with the Browns. While I've read on more than one occasion that Galvin was signed by the Browns because they thought it best to have at least one player from St. Louis on the team, Tobias notes that Galvin didn't join the Browns until well after the season had started and only because George Bradley was ill and unable to pitch.

Tom Oran Jumps To The Reds

We know that Tom Oran was playing with the Empire Club on July 4, 1874 in a game against the Liberty Club of Springfield, Illinois. On July 12, however, Oran was playing with the Reds against the Rowenas. So sometime between those two games, Oran jumped from the Empires to the Reds.

E.H. Tobias wrote that there was a great deal of jumping going on in 1874, specifically mentioning Peters and Collins jumping to the White Stockings, but certainly he had Oran's defection in mind as well. This was a move that, like Chicago stealing Collins, had a direct effect on the fortunes of his club. Oran's move had the potential of tilting the balance of power in the St. Louis baseball world. The Empires were forced to a deciding game five in their championship series against the Reds in 1873 and Oran's defection did nothing but improve a strong young club while leaving a hole in the champion's outfield.

The Rowenas noticed Oran playing with the Reds and protested the game. The State Association had adopted a rule that stated a player upon leaving one club was not eligible to play for another until sixty days had passed. However, while the State Association would eventually sustain the Rowenas' protest, before the judgment came down the two clubs mutually agreed to call the July 12th game a practice game and the Reds were subject to no penalty.

This would not be the last time the Reds were hauled before the State Association in 1874 and the Empire/Reds series, as well as the championship of 1874, would be decided by the Reds' use of an ineligible player.

I Believe That This Is What They Call Condescension

On April 29, 1874, the Empire Club was defeated by the White Sox by a score of 30-9. This was the third of four straight defeats that the Chicagos laid on the champions. In those four defeats, the Empires lost by an aggregate score of 81-25. After the game, according to E.H. Tobias, Nick Young stated that the Empires' "batting abilities were first-class and that with plenty of practice they would make a most excellent team."

Let's just give old Nick, pictured above, the benefit of a doubt and say that he meant it as a compliment.

Magenta Colored Uniforms?

Talking about a practice game that the Empire Club played in April of 1874, E.H. Tobias wrote the following:

These players donned for the first time a new uniform composed of white pants and shirts trimmed with magenta colored braid and the letter "E" on front of the shirt, with magenta caps and stockings.

Being a man and, hence, only capable of recognizing about six different colors (as compared to a woman's ability to recognize thirty-seven different shades of red), I wasn't sure exactly what magenta was. The only "magenta" I knew was a character from The Rocky Horror Picture Show (see photo at top of post).

Of course, I knew it was a color and always thought that it was some kind of maroon. But, after doing a bit of research, I have come to find out that magenta is actually a purplish/pinkish thing. Who knew?



The point of all this is that magenta seems a very odd color to choose for a baseball uniform. Seriously, what kind of team wants to wear purplish/pinkish socks while playing baseball? And what's this about "magenta colored braid" trimming the shirts?

I think that this information is a discovery with major historical implications. How can we possibly think of the great Empire Base Ball Club of St. Louis in the same light now that we know that they were wearing purplish/pinkish caps? How can we now think of the great Adam Wirth playing centerfield in 1874 without laughing?

One just has to assume that all the other clubs were making fun of them.

A Reckless And Carelessly Played Game

The final game of the (1873) season for the still champion Empires was with the Rowenas on November 9, who defeated the former in a score of 12 to 7. It was a reckless and carelessly played game with nothing in it for the Empires to win or loss and but a portion of the regular nine participated in it. Andy Blong Umpired the game and he and the scorers all say that there was not a single earned run in the whole game.

-E.H. Tobias, writing in The Sporting News, January 18, 1896


That's a bit odd. Eighteen runs scored in a game and all of them were unearned. I can honestly say that I've never seen anything like that in all my years of watching baseball. Certainly, the number of unearned runs scored in a 19th century baseball game was very high due to the lack of gloves and large number of errors but to have a game played where not one single earned run was scored must have been exceedingly rare. It was certainly unique enough for Tobias to mention it.

Pud Galvin's Obituary

James Galvin, the once famous ball pitcher, is dead at his home in Allegheny, Pa., aged 47. He had been ill for four months with (an ailment) of the stomach. Galvin was a product of the famous "Kerry Patch," St. Louis, which produced such players as Scrappy Joyce...and Jack O'Connor. In 1877 he was purchased from Buffalo by the Pittsburg National league club and played there three seasons. He went back to the famous Buffalo organization and played four season, and joined Pittsburg again in 1893, but was released to St. Louis. In 1894 he played in the Eastern league, but his pitching arm gave out. He was appointed umpire in the National league, but lasted only a short time. He started a saloon in Allegheny, but not being a man of business he lost his place. He was foreman for a contractor, and lately a bartender.

I found Galvin's obit at The Deadball Era and it's dated March 8, 1902. While I assume that it originally appeared in The Sporting News, there is no source listed and I was unable to independently verify it.

Maybe We Should Go Find Some Professional Players (Or Chicago Adds Insult To Injury)

In 1874, according to E.H. Tobias, the Chicago White Stockings "came to St. Louis under an arrangement to play four games each with the Empire, Red Stocking and Turner Clubs..." These were probably the three best clubs in St. Louis at the time and the Chicagos cleaned their clocks. While there were a couple of close games, the White Stockings went undefeated on their St. Louis trip and embarrassed the St. Louis baseball fraternity.

Below is the dates of the games played and their results:

April 21 Chicago 24 Empire 2
April 23 Chicago 6 Reds 0
April 26 Chicago 6 Empire 4
April 28 Chicago 22 Turners 5
April 29 Chicago 30 Empire 9
April 30 Chicago 31 Reds 10
May 1 Chicago 21 Empire 10
May 2 Chicago 31 Reds 13

Thankfully, the weather in St. Louis was rather rainy (as it usually is at that time of year) and the rest of the games were unable to be played-although the Reds did make a trip to Chicago and finished their series with the White Stockings on May 6 (when they promptly lost by a score of 14-7). The Chicagos came to St. Louis, went 7-0 on the trip and outscored the best teams in St. Louis by an aggregate score of 171-53. If you count the Reds game in Chicago, the White Stockings were 8-0 against the best St. Louis had to offer and had a run differential of +125.

To add insult to injury, the Chicagos "perpetrated highway robbery while (in St. Louis) and secretly carried their spoils home with them in the person of Johnnie Peters, second base of the Red Stockings, and (Dan) Collins, the Empire pitcher." So not only did the White Stockings come in and crush everybody, they also stole two of the best players in town.

You can date the beginning of the movement to create a professional baseball team in St. Louis and the beginning of the St. Louis/Chicago baseball rivalry to late April/early May 1874. It was this crushing performance by the Chicagos and the humiliation suffered by the St. Louis baseball community that set into motion the events that would lead to the creation of the Brown Stockings. It also puts into perspective the celebration that erupted following the Brown Stockings 10-0 victory over the White Stockings on May 6, 1875. The Browns 4-3 win over the Chicagos two days later was just icing on the cake (and payback for stealing Peters and Collins).

Edit: This little story keeps getting worse. It seems that the White Stockings came back to St. Louis in October of 1874 and continued their dominance over the St. Louis clubs. On October 15, they defeated the Reds 17-3 and two days later they beat the Empires 13-0, the first time in the proud history of the Empire Base Ball Club that the team had ever been shutout. So for those scoring at home, the Chicagos were 11-0 against St. Louis clubs in 1874, outscoring them 215-63 for a run differential of +152.

The 1873 Championship Series Between the Empires and Reds

The Empire Base Ball Club was first recognized as the Champions of Missouri in 1866 and was the best baseball team in St. Louis going back to 1861 (and possibly 1860). Between 1866 and 1872, they held the championship every year but one, losing the honor to the Union Club in 1867. On May 25, 1873, the Empires faced a "new claimant for popular favor and the State championship" in the form of the Red Stocking Base Ball Club. The Reds would give the Empires their most serious challenge for the championship since the Union Club disbanded. In a back and forth battle, the Empires and Reds would split the first four games of their championship series and the series would not be decided until October when the fifth and decisive game was played.

The first game of the championship series, of course, took place on May 25th and I've written about the game in the past. The Empires scored thirteen runs in the third inning and jumped out to a 18-4 lead as they cruised to a 25-16 victory, the only hick-up being the seven runs that the Reds scored in the fifth. According to E.H. Tobias, this was the first game the Reds ever played.

The second game of the series was played on June 8 and the results were pretty much the same as the first game. The Empires scored nineteen runs in the first five innings and never trailed. The six runs that the Reds scored in the eight and ninth inning made the final score of 26-18 somewhat respectable.

While the Reds showed talent and potential in the first two games, they were never really in either game and were one loss from getting swept aside by the Empires. However, the two teams would not meet again until September and the young Reds used the time to their advantage-working out their best line up and gaining confidence after a string of impressive victories over some of the other top teams in St. Louis. By the time the two teams met for the third game of their championship series, the Reds had developed into a more mature and dangerous club.

On September 7, the two clubs "again contended for supremacy" and the Reds once again fell behind the Empires, giving up two runs in the first. However, unlike in the first two games, the Reds answered the challenge, scoring eighteen runs in the first five innings, while Pidge Morgan, the Reds' pitcher, was able for the first time to shut down the potent Empire bats. The 20-11 victory of the Reds was, according to Empire partisan Tobias, "characterized by out and out laziness...on the part of the Empires owing to the extreme heat."

This victory by the Reds created a situation "interesting enough to attract a large attendance" to the fourth game of the series on October 12. In an incredible back and forth battle, the Reds jumped out to a two run lead only to fall behind 4-2 after two innings. In the third, the Reds' bats came alive, scoring seven runs for a 9-4 lead. Entering the bottom of the fifth, the Reds still led 11-6 only to see the Empires explode for seven runs and take a 13-11 lead. The Empires extended that advantage to 15-11 after six innings. The Reds however refused to fold and scored one run in the seventh and three in the eighth to tie the game. After shutting out the Empires in the bottom of the eight, the Reds scored two runs in the top of the ninth to take a 17-15 lead. In the bottom of the ninth, the champions refused to go quietly and scored a run to make the final 17-16. Tobias, sadly, gives no account of the bottom of the ninth and what kind of threat the Empires made to tie the game and force extra innings. Regardless, the Reds had won a fantastic victory, tied the championship series at two games apiece and forced a decisive fifth game.

This fifth and deciding game was played one week later on October 19 before "an immense audience...eager to see the fur fly" and "(both) clubs were eager for...the encounter..." However, this game failed to live up to the previous one and after the Empires scored five runs in the third for a 7-1 lead the champions were "inspired...and the Reds discouraged." Defending their championship, the Empires cruised to an easy 10-4 victory that was marked by outstanding defense on both sides.

While the veteran Empire players such as Schimper, Barron, Spaulding, and Wirth celebrated yet another championship, the young Reds had shown their mettle and fulfilled the expectations that had surrounded them going into the season. The Empires had survived one of the stiffest challenges to their championship reign while the Reds could take solace in the fact that their 17-16 victory in the fourth game of the series was one of the greatest games ever played in St. Louis. And the two clubs would battle again for the championship in 1874.

The Reds First Big Win

If we accept E.H. Tobias' assertion that the Reds came into existence in 1873 (as I believe that the evidence suggests we should) then the Reds first big win against a St. Louis amateur power came on July 19, 1873 against the Turners. The Turner Base Ball Club had been in existence since at least 1869 and was a member of the State Base Ball Association. They challenged for the championship in 1872 and were able to take one game from the Empire Club. In 1873 they challenged the Empires again although they lost all three games to the champions. The Turners' reputation was such that when the Chicago White Stockings visited St. Louis in 1874 one of the teams that they played was the Turners.

Despite the Turners reputation as a top amateur team, the upstart Reds were actually favored in the first game between the two. On July 5, the two teams met and to the surprise of the Red Stocking faithful the Turners hung eleven runs on the new club in the third inning and went on to win the game 19-17. Tobias writes that Packy Dillon, the Reds' catcher, was suffering from a finger injury during the game that caused the Reds to shuffle their lineup to the teams' detriment.

The second game of the series between the two clubs took place on July 19. In what was described as "a splendid exhibition of cool, watchful playing," the Reds avenged their earlier defeat. Jumping out to a 7-0 lead, the Reds defeated the Turners 16-5 behind four runs by Billy Redmon and three each by John Paul Peters and center fielder Dean. Pidge Morgan pitched well, putting up goose eggs in six frames, and the Reds defense played outstandingly behind him, committing only "three or four" errors.

This was a significant victory for the Reds, establishing them as a power on the local baseball scene and validating the hype that had surrounded them entering the 1873 season. It also jump-started a successful season that saw the club take the Empires to a deciding fifth game in their championship series before falling to the defending champs.

An Old Timers' Game

A very memorable game, one that was and is historic in the career of the Empire Club, was played August 19, in the presence of the largest audience that gathered at the ball park during the entire season of 1873. It partook of the nature of a family re-union, inasmuch as the contestants were the first nine of the club against the veterans, those who at one time or another during the existence of the club had played on the first nine. It was not a burlesque game but was played for points and it is not amiss to say that the vets presented the most unique aggregation of dilapidated ball tossers that ever appeared on any occasion. Crooked fingers, broken noses and ankles weak from sprains, all were there represented in the persons of one or more of the veterans. It was thought that the “old ‘uns” would be able to give their youthful adversaries a good tussle but the game showed that base ball players may be classed among the good things that do not improve with age. It was purely in a desire to include all the vets present that eleven players participated on their side and not at all because they thought it necessary to have extra aid in spanking the “young ‘uns...”

It was a game that will long be remembered by those participating at least if for no other reason than that no casuality occurred to any of the Vets, who while showing what they did know about the game could not help proving what they could not do and base running was one of those things. Shockey demonstrated that his hands had not lost their cunning by capturing five fly balls. Tobias caught a neat liner at short that was almost hot enough to knock him out. Frain held down second base with old time grace but base running was quite another thing with his increased (girth). Duffy made a great effort to be a boy again and succeeded in a measure. Yule and Sexton each divided their efforts equally between outs and runs, of which achievement they were not too obstreperously proof. Jack Barrett was out of place in center field and couldn’t see why he was not made catcher No. 2 “and then you would have seen base ball.” John Murphy could not find where the mile stones were located, obesity having claimed him for its own, and Cooney could not see the ball when Schimper so kindly tossed it in his direction. Robinson would have done better if he had left his shoes outside the park, his limbs not being strong enough to make time with such appendages. John O’Connell acted as though he was at a School Board meeting where they do anything but what they should.

The First Nine might have done better but what they did do was quite enough to show how disrespectful they could be to old age, especially so with Barron, Oran, Spaulding and Klein who just to show their smartness insisted upon double dealings of outs on several separate and distinct occasions. Schimper, too, was mean enough to heat his balls red hot and the ambidextrous Seward’s hands held magnets. Adam Wirth’s traps were freshly greased for the occasion and his sardonic smile at each successful capture was enough of itself to annihilate those poor decrepit Vets. There was on exhibition during the day the championship belt and bat that had been confided to the club’s protection years before and which it lost but for one year to the Union Club, also a photograph of the first nine in ’67. Several of the veterans wore the gold badge of the club that was adopted in ’66 on the occasion of their first trip from home to Freeport, Ill., and one, Tobias, was attired in the original uniform of the club having preserved it since his retirement from the nine.

-E.H. Tobias, writing in The Sporting News, January 11, 1896

Several notes of interest:

-The idea that "the 'old ‘uns' would be able to give their youthful adversaries a good tussle" is rather humorous and Tobias can't possibly be serious with this claim. The Empires in 1873 were an outstanding baseball team that had already defeated all of its rivals with no blemishes to their record that I can find. The final score of the game, by the way, was 39-9.

-Tobias mentions a photograph of the 1867 team. Anybody happen to have a copy? I'd certainly like to see it (and that's understatement at its finest).

-While Tobias mentions the championship belt and bat, he makes no mention of the gilded championship ball that was originally used in the Cyclone/Morning Star match game in 1860. One can assume then that the ball had already been "misplaced" by August of 1873. Griswold stated that it was last seen in the possession of the Empire Club and I believe that Tobias also makes mention of it in his series of letters (but I can't remember off the top of my head what he said about it). I'm hoping the thing is in a box in somebody's attic and wasn't thrown out years ago. That ball is the Holy Grail of St. Louis sports memorabilia.

-This game and the events surrounding it speaks to an appreciation that the Empire Club had for its own history and that of the game. How many clubs were in existence in 1873 that had a richer history than the Empire Club? A club formed in the antebellum period, that was active during the Civil War, that dominated the game in a rich baseball market and that had thrived for fourteen seasons-the Empires had a great deal to celebrate.

-Finally, Tobias' reference to his own play (he "caught a neat liner") is by far the nicest thing he says about his own ballplaying abilities in the series. While never a great player or a regular member of the starting nine, Tobias must have been a decent baseball player. He did play with the first nine on several occasions-a few of which were rather big matches. In his letters to TSN, Tobias is rather humble about his own exploits on the field and is usually self-deprecating when referring to them.

Edit: Looking at my notes, it appears that Tobias' last mention of the gilded championship ball was in his November 16, 1895 letter to TSN. He wrote that after the Union Club defeated the Empires for the championship in 1867, Jeremiah Fruin presented the ball and the belt to the Unions. He doesn't mention the Unions returning the ball after the Empires defeated them in 1867. One can assume that they returned the belt and that this is the belt that Tobias is talking about in his letter of January 11, 1896. If the belt was returned then you would think that the ball was returned as well. The Empire Club is still the best suspect for the last known holder of the gilded ball.

Rudy Kemmler

Rudy Kemmler played in thirty-five games for the World's Champion Browns in 1886 as a catcher and first baseman. What's notable about Kemmler's stint with the Browns is that over one hundred and twenty-three at bats, he posted a remarkable OPS+ of nine. That's nine (9), as in one short of ten. So I think the question that needs to be asked is was Kemmler the worst player ever to play for a championship team?

Interestingly, the fourth most similar player to Kemmler (according to Baseball Reference) is Charlie Sweasy, the manager and second baseman of the 1875 St. Louis Reds. The tenth most similar player was Tom Dolan, who played with the Browns, Maroons, and Whites. The list of Kemmler's comps is not exactly Murderer's Row.

Still On Vacation

A quick and lazy post while I'm on vacation. Here's pictures of Ed Herr, Jim Devlin, and Tom Dolan's Old Judge baseball cards-three members of the 1888 St. Louis Whites who also played for the Browns that season.